A New Dawn For Islamist Forces In Bangladesh

With the fall of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's government in Bangladesh on August 5, 2024, the Islamist Urdu daily Roznama Ummat of Pakistan featured on August 7, a headline on its front page: "Hundreds of opposition leaders freed, offices of Jamaat-e-Islami opened."

Sensing the immediate rise of Islamist forces, the Roznama Ummat of August 8 also blamed, in an editorial, "a Satanic project aided by the Zionist and Western powers" for propping up Sheikh Hasina and wrote: "All praise be to Allah, the Two Nation Theory is proving its truth even today, and Allah willing, will remain alive till the Day of Judgment."[2]The Two Nation Theory is the idea that Muslims and non-Muslims cannot live together under a mixed political system, a religious principle that gave birth to Pakistan as an Islamic state in 1947 and failed when the state broke up in 1971, creating Bangladesh on a linguistic basis.

Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest religious organization in South Asia with branches abroad, has several ideologically connected branches: Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Jamaat-e-Islami Azad Kashmir (in Pakistani control), and Jamaat-e-Islami Jammu and Kashmir (in Indian Kashmir). While all of them claim organizational independence from each other, their ideological commitment is shared, and they are known to have sheltered jihadi fighters, except perhaps for Jamaat-e-Islami Hind which, alone among them representing a minority, displays some degree of moderation under Indian pluralism.

(Bangladeshi protesters attacked with shoes and demolished the statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, the founder of Bangladesh and father of Sheikh Hasina (image: Roznama Ummat)

In Bangladesh, the right-wing pro-Islamist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami are two major immediate beneficiaries of the student protests led by the Students Against Discrimination (SAD), which engineered the fall of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, a secular leader who tilted toward China rather than the U.S., and had banned the Jamaat-e-Islami and hanged its top leaders for aiding the Pakistani army in the 1971 Liberation War that led to Bangladesh breaking away from Pakistan.[4]

After the independence of Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami split and its branch in Bangladesh was formed, at the end of an initial ban, following the 1975 coup. According to a media report, Jamaat-e-Islami joined a multi-party alliance in the 1980s aimed at restoring democracy and later allied with the BNP, holding ministerial positions in BNP-led governments of 1991-1996 and 2001-2006.[5] The Awami League of Sheikh Hasina also partnered with Jamaat-e-Islami in 1996 and by 2008, Jamaat-e-Islami had won two seats in Parliament.[6]

Sheikh Hasina, in power during 1996-2001 and since 2019, had turned autocratic, convicting or imprisoning critics, including Muhammad Yunus, the respected Nobel Laureate who has now replaced her as head of the interim government. On August 1, just four days before the collapse of her government, it placed Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir, already banned from political activity, under the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2009.[7]

Now, Sheikh Hasina's fall has unleashed the right-wing Islamist forces in Bangladesh, though they cannot be expected to be in their ideological elements in these early days of transition. On August 6, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) reopened its central office in Boro Moghbazar area of Dhaka, which had remained closed for 13 years. Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, the emir, said upon entering the office along with other BJI leaders: "We left here (central office) on September 19, 2011. We've entered (the office) now."

While not all the protesters, who opposed the quota policy in jobs for the kin of the 1971 war veterans, can be classed as right-wing Islamist forces, a large section of them do belong to Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP. The BNP had boycotted the 2024 parliamentary elections after BNP leader and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was imprisoned for various reasons, including corruption, for more than a decade.[9] Videos show that the protesters urinated on the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, Hasina's father and the founder of Bangladesh who stood for a secular and democratic republic.[10]

Loved by those who fought for creating Bangladesh for Bangla-speaking people in eastern Pakistan, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman articulated a democratic idea of Bangladesh, stating: "This country does not belong to Hindus. This country does not belong to Muslims. Whoever thinks this country is theirs, this country will be theirs. Whoever feels happiness seeing this country prosper, this country will be theirs. Whoever will cry seeing this country sad, this country will be theirs. This country will also belong to those who have given away everything for this country's freedom."[11]

Those who disgraced and demolished his statutes despise these ideals and belong, broadly speaking, to the Islamist forces led by Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP. On August 6, amid the political pressure unleashed by the student movement, President Mohammed Shahabuddin, exercising his power of clemency under Article 49 of the constitution, issued orders to release BNP leader Khaleda Zia, who had been confined to house arrest, instead of prison, for five years for medical reasons.[12]The courts also freed more than 2,000 student protesters on bail.[13]

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami leaders were aware that their workers would target temples and the property of religious minorities such as Hindus. Right through these tumultuous events, in an attempt not to squander the unexpected political dividend at their door, the BJI leaders began issuing calls to their members to protect Hindus and their religious places and there are indeed cases of Jamaat-e-Islami workers guarding Hindu temples and property.

On August 7, addressing the central executive committee of BJI, its emir Dr. Shafiqur Rahman said: "The dictator has fallen in exchange for the blood of the students and the general people. Almighty Allah has freed this nation from oppression and torture. That is why I express Almighty Allah a million times. Alhamdulillah [Praise be to Allah]. Now we have to start building the country. The process of forming the interim government is not over yet. In this situation, miscreants are trying to worsen the law and order situation.

"We have repeatedly appealed to the students and the fellow countrymen to be vigilant at all times so that no miscreant can deteriorate the law and order situation. In this regard, Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Chhatra Shibir, and all political parties should play the role of a watchman to resist attacks on people belonging to different religions."[14]

In an August 9 meeting of the political committee of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, former lawmaker and BJI Secretary General Professor Mia Golam Parwar stated: "The interim government was sworn in on August 8. The portfolios have been distributed among the advisors of the interim government already. We would like to congratulate the Chief Advisor Dr. Muhammad Yunus and all the advisors. They should ensure justice by bringing the terrorists and the miscreants to the book and also by establishing the rule of law, justice, and human rights in the country. They also should prosecute the people who were involved with various misdeeds including corruption, looting, money laundering, and genocide under the fascist regime.

Notwithstanding appeals by BNP as well as Jamaat-e-Islami leaders, there were attacks on the temples and property of the minority Hindus in Bangladesh. On August 6, the day after Sheikh Hasina fled to India, The Daily Star newspaper reported: "Hindu houses and business establishments were attacked by mobs while their valuables were also looted in at least 27 districts yesterday."[16]

The newspaper quoted Hindu community leader Monindra Kumar Nath, senior joint general secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, as saying: "There are no areas or districts left where communal attacks have not taken place. We are continuously getting reports from different parts of the country about attacks on houses and business establishments... They are crying, saying they are being beaten up, and their houses and businesses are being looted."[17]

A report published in the August 7 issue of The Daily Star, two days after the collapse of Sheikh Hasina's government, indicates that the attackers were motivated by religion, not just the desire to loot and destroy the property of the minority Hindus. The report noted that the Dhanuka Manasa Bari temple in Shariatpur was ransacked by an angry mob who crushed the idols of Radha-Krishna and razed the temple to the ground; the Dinajpur Centre Cremation yard was vandalised; and a Hindu temple in Kuakata area of Patuakhali was set ablaze.[18]

On August 9, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, an organization representing religious minorities, reported 205 incidents of persecution of members of minority communities across 52 districts since Sheikh Hasina's resignation on August 5.[19]Releasing an open letter to Muhammad Yunus, chief advisor (executive head) of the interim government, the community leaders said: "We seek protection because our lives are in a disastrous state. We are staying up at night guarding our homes and temples. I have never seen such incidents in my life. We demand that the government restore communal harmony in the country.

The community leaders also noted that the oath taken by Muhammad Yunus and his council of advisors included Quranic verses but did not refer to the religious texts of Hindus and other minorities. "The exclusion of readings from other religious texts contradicts our constitution, the spirit of the Liberation War, and anti-discrimination values. We hope that in the future state functions, readings from all major religious texts will be included," remarked Kajal Devnath, one of the Hindu community leaders.[21]

For most of the history of Bangladesh, barring military coups, two women have ruled the country as prime ministers: Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League party and Khaleda Zia of BNP, with the latter, along with the Jamaat-e-Islami, representing the religious right-wing forces on the ground. While Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, the secular founder of Bangladesh who was assassinated, Khaleda Zia is the widow of former President Ziaur Rahman who was also assassinated.

In a recent article, Indian journalist Poorva Joshi summed up the ideological camps represented by the two camps in the politics of Bangladesh: "Sheikh Mujib and Ziaur Rahman, despite fighting for Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, had polarising views. Mujib's ideology was deeply rooted in Bengali nationalism, secularism, and socialism. He championed secularism as one of the four pillars of the 1972 Constitution of Bangladesh and believed in the separation of religion from politics.

"Ziaur Rahman's ideology was also centred around Bangladeshi nationalism, but it also emphasised the Islamic identity of the nation, distancing itself from the secularism promoted by Mujib. He amended the Constitution to replace the term 'secularism' with 'absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah,' signalling a move toward incorporating Islamic principles into state affairs. This is important to highlight as both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia inherited these ideological patterns and continue to follow them.

With Sheikh Hasina removed from the political scene, the secular forces in Bangladesh represented by her Awami League party will take a backseat. Even though Muhammad Yunus and the student leaders who are part of his interim government also represent secular and liberal forces, the floodgates have opened for the right-wing Islamist forces represented by the BNP of Khaleda Zia and her ideological ally Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. This is especially true because Muhammad Yunus and the student leaders do not have the organizational network and muscle required to counter the right-wing Islamist forces in Bangladesh.

Sheikh Hasina was known for taking a pro-China stance in her country's geostrategic foreign policy, while Russia in December 2023 accused the United States of plotting an uprising like the Arab Spring in Bangladesh to unseat her government.[23] After fleeing to India, the ousted leader blamed the U.S. for triggering the student protests, saying: "I could have remained in power if I had surrendered the sovereignty of Saint Martin Island [a small island forming the southernmost part of Bangladesh] and allowed America to hold sway over the Bay of Bengal. I beseech to the people of my land, please do not be manipulated by radicals."[24] In April 2024, Hizb-ut-Tahrir Bangladesh, a global Islamist organization, accused Sheikh Hasina of shedding crocodile tears for Palestinians, stating: "The Hasina government shamelessly wants to normalize relations with the Jewish entity [Israel] according to the U.S.'s 'Two-State Policy.'"[25]

The day after Sheikh Hasina left on August 5, major Bangladeshi newspapers described the event as the "victory of the students."[26] But sometimes, victors are those who simply wait you out. The following incident reveals what is at stake in the coming weeks and months for Bangladesh. On August 10, a group of local students from the Jamia Islamia Halimia Madhupur Madrassa, an Islamic religious seminary, removed a street sign reading "Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Expressway" at the Dhaleshwari toll plaza in the town of Munshiganj, replacing it with a banner that reads: "Father of the Nation Hazrat Ibrahim (AS) Expressway," referring to Abraham, the prophet of monotheism who is viewed as the destroyer of idols and polytheism.



Rebranding Jamaat: The Rise of the ‘Islamist Left’ in Bangladesh

Jamaat-e-Islami is attempting to reframe itself as an early adopter of the progressive, inclusive spirit of the July Revolution. Will it work?

The term “Islamist left” may seem paradoxical to some, given the traditionally conservative orientation of Islamist parties. Yet, in the aftermath of Bangladesh’s 2024 July Revolution, this seemingly contradictory movement is gaining traction, led by Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh (JI). 

JI, the oldest Islamist party in Bangladesh, has historically struggled to gain significant electoral support, often polling at less than 10 percent despite Bangladesh’s Muslim majority. However, recent shifts in the political landscape, combined with JI’s strategic pivot toward inclusive and progressive rhetoric, have helped reframe the party’s image. This new orientation reflects an emerging “Islamist Left,” a blend of Islamic values with social and economic equity, inclusivity, and broader citizenship rights, which is reshaping the party’s identity in Bangladesh.

JI’s limited electoral success is rooted in the complex socio-political and cultural context of the nation. One of the key barriers to Jamaat’s acceptance lies in Bangladesh’s dominant Sufi traditions, which emphasize mysticism, inclusivity, and spiritual unity rather than strict ideological adherence. Sufi Islam’s historical influence, established through centuries of outreach to the masses, especially among the rural, largely apolitical, and often illiterate population, created an environment where JI’s protectionist ideological approach did not resonate broadly.

Another significant factor hampering JI is history. During Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War, the party was aligned with forces opposing independence. This choice has haunted JI’s reputation for decades, diminishing its public support and cementing the notion that the party is out of step with the nation’s foundational values. Some of its leaders were even convicted of war crimes and executed for their role during the Liberation War. For many Bangladeshis, this perception of JI as anti-liberation, and thus anti-nationalist, has become a near-insurmountable barrier to gaining public trust.

Bangladesh’s liberal-leaning elites and mediahave also hindered JI’s rise. Bangladeshi civil society, particularly its intellectuals, journalists, and urban professionals, are heavily influenced by liberal democratic values and a commitment to secularism; they thus view JI with suspicion or outright hostility. Consequently, JI’s traditional Islamist platform has failed to appeal to the influential urban middle class, further constraining its outreach.

Moreover, JI’s struggle for influence is compounded by the presence of nearly a hundred other Islamist parties in Bangladesh. This landscape of competing factions dilutes JI’s appeal and fragments the Islamist voter base. Mainstream parties, too, often employ Islamic symbolism and rhetoric to appeal to conservative voters, thus appropriating issues that might otherwise serve JI’s agenda. This phenomenon, sometimes described as the “banalization” of Islamism, has rendered JI’s message less distinctive and further marginalized the party.

In the aftermath of the July Revolution of 2024 – a student-led movement that forced significant political changes in Bangladesh – JI found an unexpected opportunity to reposition itself. With the protests shaking the established political order, JI saw a chance to rehabilitate its image and adopt a stance in favor of change, positioning itself as a “pro-revolutionary” force. This strategy has reinvigorated the party’s appeal, providing it with greater media attention and renewed popular support. JI’s newfound stance aims to harness the spirit of the revolution, positioning the party as both progressive and inclusive in its vision for Bangladesh.

The catastrophic floods that followed the revolution provided JI with a further opening to establish a visible and compassionate presence. Through its relief efforts, the party demonstrated a proactive commitment to social welfare, which aligns with its vision for an Islamic welfare state. By framing its activism as a form of Islamic social justice, JI highlighted its role as a provider of financial and humanitarian aid, resonating with citizens who value such tangible, grassroots support.

As JI has adapted to the shifting socio-political climate, it has begun to reshape its platform to better align with broader social concerns, adopting principles commonly associated with the left, such as inclusivity, human rights, and social equity. JI’s leaders have spoken openly about equality and social justice, often invoking the idea of an “Islamic welfare state.” The party envisions a Bangladesh where financial security and social welfare are guaranteed for all, drawing on Islamic principles to argue for universal benefits. JI’s Amir Shafiqur Rahman promised to the nation that “no one will remain unemployed.” Meanwhile, the slogan that “Islam is the solution” to Bangladesh’s problems has gained more ground after the revolution. 

A particularly notable shift in JI’s rhetoric relates to minority rights. In a symbolic departure from previous hardline positions, the party’s leader recently asserted that minorities should enjoy full citizenship rights, comparing this to Muslims’ freedom to practice their faith without fear. Such statements aim to reframe JI as a defender of equal citizenship and are calculated to address longstanding concerns about the party’s commitment to inclusivity. This rebranding effort is critical as JI seeks to appeal to a younger, post-revolution generation that values democratic ideals and human rights alongside religious identity.

On gender issues, JI has attempted to strike a balance between Islamic tradition and progressive values. While the party remains cautious in its stance, it has distanced itself from more conservative models like those seen in Afghanistan or Pakistan, arguing instead for a “Bangladeshi approach” that respects both Islamic and cultural traditions. JI’s approach to women’s roles aims to resonate with a modernizing society while staying true to the party’s Islamic roots. Rahman has pointed to the historical example of Medina state, where women took part in state reformation and even in wars. 

JI has even begun to address the contentious issue of its 1971 legacy, with party leaders suggesting that, should the party’s anti-liberation activities be proven unequivocally, JI would be willing to apologize. This gesture of potential accountability, albeit carefully worded, represents a significant shift, reflecting JI’s awareness of the need to reconcile with Bangladesh’s history if it is to gain broader acceptance.

The rise of the “Islamist left” in Bangladesh is a phenomenon shaped by the unique socio-political context and historical legacy of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. While the party has long been hampered by its anti-liberation stance, the influence of liberal-leaning elites, the dominance of Sufi traditions, and competition from other Islamist factions, it has seized on the revolutionary moment to redefine itself. By adopting a more progressive, inclusive vision that aligns with the ideals of social justice, equal citizenship, and human rights, JI is trying to appeal to a new generation of Bangladeshis who seek an alternative to both secular liberalism and traditional Islamism.

Through its recent rebranding efforts, JI has crafted a vision of Islam that resonates with socially conscious Bangladeshis and embraces the ethos of the July Revolution. This emerging “Islamist left” is not only reshaping JI’s identity but also altering the contours of Islamist politics in Bangladesh, signaling a new phase in the evolution of political Islam in South Asia. 

The coming years will reveal whether JI can sustain this transformation and consolidate its newfound support, or whether this rebranding effort will ultimately prove to be a temporary adaptation to a rapidly changing political landscape.

Congratulations

History, written again by the #Lionesses. 🏴󠁧󠁢󠁥󠁮󠁧󠁿🏆

Girls’ football match called off after venue vandalised

A women's football match scheduled for today in Joypurhat's Akkelpur upazila has been called off after some locals and madrasa students vandalised the venue at Tilakpur High School ground yesterday. The T-Star Club, a local sports club, had been organising a football tournament at the ground for over a month, selling tickets for Tk 30 for ground seating and Tk 70 for chairs.The friendly match between the two female teams from Joypurhat and Rangpur was supposed to take place before the final match of the tournament today.

However, the event drew opposition from a section of locals, who objected to women participation in sports, said organisers.

Following Asr prayer yesterday, protesters, including madrasa students, gathered at the Independence Square near Tilakpur Railway Station. They addressed the crowd and termed the women's football match "anti-Islamic".

One speaker was quoted as saying, "Islam teaches us to keep women within the confines of modesty. By promoting women's sports, you are encouraging immorality. We warn you to stop these activities, or there will be resistance in future."

They then marched to the football pitch and proceeded to tear down the fence. The incident was livecast on Facebook.

Bangladesh : Horrific rape and murder of minor girl , dead body found inside mosque

Rape and murder of girls and women continue to be daily occurrences in dystopian hellscape of Bangladesh ever since the illegitimate interim government headed by usurper Md Yunus seized power on the back of a mob uprising in August last year. Not a day passes when a rape and murder is not reported from one corner of the hell-hole or the other. The ‘Momins’ who live by lawlessness now thrive on the anarchical condition in the Bangladeshi hellscape unleashed by Yunus and his collaborators-in-arms. 

In the latest outrage a minor Muslim girl Maimuna Akhter (9), student of a ‘Madrasa’, was found dead inside the village mosque of Shahbazpur under Sarail sub-district of Brahmanbaria district on July 6. Sources from Brahmanbaria said that Maimuna had gone missing since July 5 afternoon and her parents failed to trace her out despite having launched a search operation. This was reported to police in Sarail and after conducting a search operation the police party, aided by local people, discovered Maimuna’s bruised body inside a local mosque in Shahbazpur village . What happened next is still not clear but the post-mortem of the minor girl’s body confirmed what had all along been suspected-she had been gang-raped and then strangled to death . 

Earlier on June 28 a married Hindu woman had been gang-raped by four ‘Momins’ including a local BNP leader Fazar Ali in Murad Nagar village under Commilla district. The rapists had also released disrobed pictures of the Hindu woman on social media, creating a outrage which died down soon as the five rapists were arrested by police. In the case of the rape and murder of minor Maimuna there has been no arrest so far , nor is there any chance of arrest, sources said. Another similar gang-rape of a married Hindu woman by a gang of former Awami League leaders in Maulvi Bazar on June 29 has gone unreported and unnoticed despite the filing of a FIR by the victim and her family. Interestingly, the ‘Godi Momin’ media of Bangladesh is deafeningly silent over the rape epidemic in the country.

Israel & Jews

দীর্ঘকাল এরা নিপিড়িত ছিলো। কিন্তু যখনই ধর্মান্ধতা ছেড়ে জ্ঞান-বিজ্ঞানে মনোযোগ দিলো, তখনই শক্তিশালী হয়ে উঠলো। পর্দা, হিজাব, নিকাব, হারাম, হালাল, ফতোয়াবাজি, এগুলো ইহুদী ধর্মেও ছিলো। প্রচণ্ড প্রতাপে ছিলো। কিন্তু একটা বিষয়ে এরা অন্যদের চেয়ে আলাদা ছিলো। এরা কখনো নিজেদের মাঝে কলহে জড়ায় নি। নিজ দেশের কাউকে নাস্তিক, মুরতাদ ঘোষণা দিয়ে এলাকাছাড়া করে নি। ফলে ইহুদীদের মাঝে স্বাধীন জ্ঞানচর্চার সংস্কৃতি গড়ে উঠেছিলো। দেখা দিয়েছিলো বড় বড় সমাজ সংস্কারক, ধর্ম সংস্কারক, বিজ্ঞানী, দার্শনিক, সাহিত্যিক, ও শিক্ষাবিদ। কোনো ইহুদী তাদেরকে ছুরি মারতে যায় নি। তাদের বিরুদ্ধে ফতোয়া জারি করে নি। এবং তারাই ইহুদী জাতিকে শক্তিশালী করেছে। মুসলমানদের মাঝে এ চর্চা একেবারেই নেই। ইবনে সিনা ও ইবনে রুশদের মতো মানুষকে এরা দেশছাড়া করেছিলো। কবি ইমাদুদ্দীন নাসিমীর মতো নিরীহ লোককে জ্যন্ত চামড়া তুলে হ*ত্যা করেছিলো। যতোক্ষণ না মুসলমানরা নিজ এলাকার জ্ঞানীদের নাস্তিক মুরতাদ বলে পার্সেকিউট করা বন্ধ করবে, সব জায়গায় ধর্ম খোঁজার অভ্যাস ত্যাগ করবে, বই পড়ার নামে একঘেয়ে কিতাব পড়ার অভ্যাস বাদ দেবে, এবং ওয়াজকারীদের ছেড়ে জ্ঞানী মানুষদের অনুসরণ করবে, ততোক্ষণ মুসলমানের মুক্তি নেই। এ সত্য যতো অস্বীকার করা হবে, ততো তারা দুর্বল হতে থাকবে।

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বাংলাদেশের সোনার ছেলে, সাইফ মোহাম্মদ, ইংল্যান্ডে যাওয়ার এক মাসের মাথায় ১৪ বছরের এক ব্রিটিশ শিশুকে ধর্ষন করতে গিয়ে ধরা খেয়েছে!

এক মাস পার হতে দেয় নাই, এর মধ্যেই ঝাপিয়ে পড়েছে সে দেশের শিশুদের উপর!

এমন সোনার ছেলের তো অভাব নাই দেশে!

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বাংলাদেশে রাস্তা বন্ধ করে, গাড়ি থামিয়ে নামাজ পড়ে মুমিনরা। বাংলাদেশ মুমিনদের স্বর্গরাজ্য, কেউ কিছু বলার নাই। রাস্তা বন্ধ করে নামাজ পড়ার সময় এম্বুলেন্সে কেউ মারা গেলেও মোমেনদের কিছু যায় আসে না।

শুধু কি বাংলাদেশ?

এই মুমিনরা যখন বিদেশে যায়, এই চরিত্র কি বদলায়?

নাহ!

এই ভিডিও গতকালের। নিউ ইয়র্কের টাইমস স্কয়ারের!

নিউ ইয়র্কে বহু মসজিদ আছে। মসজিদ বাদ দিয়ে রাস্তায় নামাজ পড়ছে কেন মোমেনরা?

মসজিদে নামাজ পড়লে তো নিজেদের শক্তি, উপস্থিতি জানান দেয়া যাবে না। তাই, মসজিদ বাদ দিয়ে রাস্তা বন্ধ করে টাইমস স্কয়ারে নামাজ পড়ছে মোমেনরা!

এই চিত্র খালি নিউ ইয়র্ক না, লন্ডন, লিসবন থেকে শুরু করে বহু ইউরোপীয়ান সিটিতে প্রায় একই চিত্র। নিজ দেশটা বস্তি বানিয়ে, ইহুদী নাসারাদের দেশকেও বস্তি বানানোর সংকল্প মোমেনদের।

আপনি অন্য কোন ধর্মের মানুষদের দেখবেন না এই কাজ করতে। তারা নিজেদের চার্চ, মন্দিরে প্রার্থনা করে। কিন্তু অসভ্য মুসলমানরা মসজিদ বাদ দিয়ে রাস্তা ঘাটে নামাজ পড়বে, হেডম দেখাবে। আর কেউ কিছু বললেই- ইসলামোফোবিয়া!

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২০১৩ থেকে ২০১৬ পর্যন্ত বাংলাদেশে ভয়াবহ বর্বরতার শিকার হয় বহু ব্লগার, এক্টিভিস্ট, মুক্তমনা। কুপিয়ে কুপিয়ে হত্যা করা হয় আভিজিত রায়, নীলয় নীল, দীপনসহ বহু ব্লগারকে। ইসলামী জঙ্গি জিহাদীদের চাপাতির কোপ খেয়ে কেউ কেউ এখনো পঙ্গু।

আর সেই জিহাদী কুকুরদের ব্লগারদের পিছনে লেলিয়ে দেয়ার পিছনে সরাসরি জড়িত এই জসীমউদ্দিন রহমানী। হাসিনার আমলে এত ব্লগার হত্যা করলেও একে মৃত্যুদণ্ড দেয়া হয়নি। বেশিরভাগ হত্যার বিচারই হয়নি এখনো। উলটো ব্লগারদের চলে যেতে হয়েছে দেশ ছেড়ে। জিহাদীদের খুশি রাখতে কওমী জননী এই জঙ্গিকে কয়েক বছর জেল দিয়েই হাত পরিষ্কার করে ফেলে। আর ইউনুস এসে এই ভয়ংকর জঙ্গিকে জেল থেকে ছেড়ে দেয়।

এই জঙ্গি নিজ মুখেই স্বীকার করেছে কিভাবে সে নাস্তিক ব্লগারদের হত্যার নেতৃত্ব দিতো। এই ভয়ংকর জঙ্গিদের ছেড়ে দিয়ে ইউনুস দেশে জঙ্গিতন্ত্রের চাষাবাদ করছে।

খালেদা থেকে হাসিনা, হাসিনা থেকে ইউনুস কারো আমলেই এদেশে আমরা নিরাপদ না। অন্য কোন সভ্য দেশ হলে এই জঙ্গি কোনদিন কারাগারের বাইরে বের হতো না। অথচ, এই বর্বর হিংস্র জানোয়ার এখন বুক ফুলিয়ে কথা বলছে, নিজ মুখে স্বীকার করছে!

HappY birthday Che!

প্রথম ছবিটি ৫৮ বছর আগের। বলিভিয়ার বালিয়াগ্রান্দে শহরের একটি হাসপাতালের লন্ড্রি রুমে শুইয়ে রাখা হয়েছে মৃত চেগেভারাকে। চারদিকে দাঁড়িয়ে আছে বলিভিয়ান আর্মি। ইন্টারনেট থেকে সংগ্রহ করেছি ছবিটি। বাকি ছবিগুলি আমার। ২০২২ সালে গিয়েছিলাম। যে উঁচু বেদির উপর তাঁকে রাখা হয়েছে সেটা আসলে একটি বেসিন। এখানে হাসপাতালের কাপড়চোপড় ধোয়া হতো।

সর্বশেষ ছবিটিতে আমি যে আয়তকার গর্তের মতো জায়গায় দাঁড়িয়ে আছি এটি একটি গণকবর। চে-র মৃত্যুর পর তাঁর ছয় গেরিলা সহযাত্রীসহ সাত মৃতদেহ পুঁতে ফেলা হয় এ গর্তে ১৯৬৭ সালে। তিরিশ বছর পর্যন্ত এ গণ-কবরের সন্ধান পায়নি বিশ্ব গণমাধ্যম। মৃত্যুর তিরিশ বছর পর আর্জেন্টিনার ফরেনসিক নৃতত্ত্ববিদদের একটি দল এ স্থান থেকে উদ্ধার করে সাত গেরিলার হাড়।

আজ চেগেভারার জন্মদিন।

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